We must not repeat past mistakes. The next three years offer historic opportunities to reinforce Israel’s security.
Many milestones, painful and triumphant, mark the 700th day of this war. Among the more disconcerting, though, were the recent calls by U.S. Democratic leaders for the suspension of American military aid to Israel. Those backing the boycott included former national security advisor Jake Sullivan and Senator Amy Klobuchar, previously known for their pro-Israel views, together with four Jewish Congress Members. This development, representing a potentially irreversible erosion in liberal American support for the Jewish state, reminds us that time is not necessarily on Israel’s side, and that we must maximize the opportunities presented by the current administration.
We must not repeat the mistake we made in 2016-2020, when we failed to take full advantage of President Trump’s first term to eliminate the Hamas and Hezbollah threats on our borders. Today, less than a year in office, the president has already participated with Israel in the successful campaign against Iran, backed Israel’s military actions in Gaza, Yemen, and Lebanon, and has defended Israel from international sanctions. The remaining three years of this administration could further reinforce Israel’s security in a number of critical areas.
Firstly, we must transform our relationship with the United States. No longer should Israel, a strong, proud, and affluent country, receive aid from our American allies. President Trump, a businessman who admires strength, will respect us more if we cease coming hat-in-hand to the United States, but rather approach him with an offer of partnership. Together, the United States and Israel can join in developing technologies—cyber, satellite, and laser—that strengthen both of our nations’ security.
With the White House, Israel can create a “diplomatic Iron Dome” affording us even greater protection from international sanctions and boycotts. Under this umbrella, any country that sanctions Israel—Belgium is a recent example—would in turn be sanctioned by the United States. Similarly, the administration can take punitive action against any international organization, including the UN and its affiliated agencies, that singles out and systematically delegitimizes Israel.
The U.S. and Israel must together set red lines for Iran and its terrorist proxies and agree on a joint response if and when those lines are crossed. Should the Iranians try to rebuild their nuclear facilities, for example, or Hezbollah remilitarize Southern Lebanon, America and Israel must act promptly and in concert and with substantial combined force.
History will recall President Obama’s failure to stand by the red line he drew regarding Syria’s use of chemical weapons in 2013, and President Nixon’s failure in 1970 to enforce the red line he established over Egypt’s deployment of Soviet missiles along the Suez Canal. The result in both cases was war and widespread destruction. By closely coordinating with President Trump, Israel can ensure that such ramifications are never again repeated.
The next three years can also prove pivotal in altering our relationship with the Palestinians. While cooperating with President Trump’s efforts to demilitarize and reconstruct Gaza, we can align with him in advancing new ideas for addressing the future of Judea and Samaria. For example, the U.S. and Israel can empower local leaders in Hebron, Nablus, and elsewhere to create highly autonomous cantons that will, in turn, be federated with Israel.
While not even the best political analyst can predict, especially not at this stage, which party will win the 2028 elections, we must not reach that date and berate ourselves for missing not one but several historic opportunities. The price for doing so, as we learned on October 7, can be prohibitive.
